
Besigye: Who Is Responsible For Continued Incarceration Of Army Court Victims?
On January 30, 2025, the Supreme Court outlawed the General Court Martial and directed that all cases and convicts from thereof be remitted to the High Court for further handling.
The country’s highest appellate court directed that pending trials before the army court involving civilians must immediately cease and be transferred to the ordinary courts with competent jurisdiction for further management.
The court decision created excitement and hope for possible immediate release of veteran opposition politician, Dr (Rtd Col) Kizza Besigye and his counterpart Hajji Obeid Lutale.
Many people expected an immediate release of Besigye and others but the legal process requires formal transfer and review by the High Court.
Following the ruling, the lawyers representing Dr Besigye and Hajji Lutale instead sought their release in the effort to ensure the Supreme Court decision was implemented. Among the efforts was the meeting with the Commissioner General of Prisons, Dr Johnson Byabashaija where the Besigye lawyers demanded for the release of their client.
The lawyers led by Martha Karua told the prison boss that it was illegal to hold Dr Besigye without a valid warrant.
These together with other demands were followed by petitions by the medical practitioners to the Prison authorities and other organisations and politicians seeking for the release of Dr Besigye citing illegalities and health grounds.
Because of the efforts and demands to have Dr Besigye and his co-accused released following the ruling, the media has also been awash with the same information short of the fact that the Supreme Court directed that the courts below shall handle all cases including those where the prisoners are convicts.
It is from this scenario that I wish to state that it is not within the powers of the prison authorities to release prisoners. It (prisons) only acts based on orders of the courts that issued the remand warrant for the said person or a superior court above.
The Uganda Prisons are not clothed with the power to release an accused person without a court order.
The incident of Dr Besigye is not the first of its kind. In October 2006, the military court then chaired by Gen Ivan Koreta suspended the trial of the suspected People’s Redemption Army rebels; among them Dr Besigye to await the position of the superior courts on their case.
The High Court then ordered for the release of the veteran opposition leader, Besigye on bail, after a judge ruled his detention by the military was illegal.
In this same case, the firm belief would be that Besigye’s lawyers would run to the High Court to seek a similar order for him to be released.
For the record, Dr Besigye and Hajji Lutale are not the only prisoners affected by the Supreme Court decision. There are 432 prisons both on remand and convicts in prisons across the country following orders of the Military court.
Of course these minus those jailed for disciplinary cases in the army.
In this case it is not true to state that Uganda Prison Service is continuing to incarcerate people without lawful basis. The Prisons service is at the tail end in the justice system and their mandate is to keep those until such orders expire. The only mandate on releasing people in prison is when the person has been serving and their term has expired.
Much as the Attorney General can guide the Prison authorities on how to proceed legally as well as any other entity in government including the president, it remains that the order to release anyone has to come from court, except the convict whose jail term has ended.
In my opinion, it is better that Ugandans look for ways of securing all those persons affected by the Supreme Court judgement in addition to Dr Besigye. If we are genuinely fighting for human rights, let the rights be for all by mobilizing resources and any legal personnel interested in seeing those people reclaiming their freedom by filing applications for review.
I saw cases being handled after the Susan Kigula case and courts made orders relieving convicts of the death penalty to life in prison among other punishments.
The ruling of the Supreme Court affects multiple stakeholders; the judiciary, the Attorney General, law enforcement and the executive. Being at the tail end of the criminal justice system, Uganda prisons must wait for clear guidance from all relevant government entities before taking any action.
How the court ruled
The Supreme Court declared that it was unconstitutional for civilians to be tried in the military courts, especially if they have not subjected themselves to the military system.
The General Court Martial was declared unconstitutional in handling civilian cases and all cases were ordered to be transferred to civilian courts.
The Supreme Court ruling was made in response to an appeal by the AG, challenging the 2021 decision of the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court had declared Sections 2, 119, and 179 of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) Act unconstitutional.
The writer is a concerned citizen
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A Over Shs 24 billion Highway to Fraud » The Hoima Post –

ROMISE: A modern, tarmacked road linking Mukono to Katosi in central Uganda, improving access and accelerating development.
REALITY: A maze of fake companies, forged documents, and missing billions.
AMOUNT LOST: Over Shs 24 billion
IMPLICATED: Abubaker Technical Services (a ghost contractor), Dan Alinange (then UNRA spokesperson), senior officials in the Ministry of Works and Transport
The Dream: Infrastructure That Connects, Develops, and Delivers
The Katosi-Mukono-Nyenga Road was touted as one of Uganda’s critical infrastructure projects—a 74-kilometre lifeline that would link rural communities along Lake Victoria to urban centers and markets. Once constructed, it would ease transport bottlenecks, improve agricultural trade, and shorten travel time between Mukono and Buikwe districts.
In 2013, the government of Uganda—through the Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA)—announced a Shs 165 billion contract for the road’s construction. The contractor? A little-known firm named Eutaw Construction Company, allegedly from the United States, working in partnership with Abubaker Technical Services and General Supplies, a local firm.
But from the outset, red flags waved in broad daylight.
The Reality: A Highway to Nowhere
The first sign of trouble came when Eutaw Construction Company, the “lead contractor,” was discovered to not exist in any official registry of the United States. UNRA had claimed that Eutaw was selected after a competitive procurement process, beating out several established firms. But investigations later revealed that Eutaw was a phantom company, used as a front by Ugandan operatives to siphon off public funds.
Even more baffling was that Abubaker Technical Services, the local subcontractor, had no previous road construction credentials of the magnitude needed for a project of this scale—and was, in fact, not officially registered at the time of contract award.
Despite these glaring anomalies, Shs 24 billion was immediately advanced to the so-called contractors—ostensibly as mobilization fees. Within weeks, the money was gone, and the road remained untouched.
The Role of UNRA: Complicity or Incompetence?
The scandal implicates several senior figures at UNRA. At the center was Dan Alinange, the UNRA spokesperson at the time, who consistently defended the integrity of the project in public briefings. Alinange and other officials maintained that due diligence had been done and that Eutaw was “fully verified.”
But a 2015 probe by the Inspectorate of Government (IGG) found otherwise. The report revealed that UNRA deliberately ignored multiple warnings from internal auditors and whistleblowers who questioned the legitimacy of Eutaw and Abubaker Technical Services.
The report also showed that certain individuals within UNRA approved advance payments in record time—without verifying the contractor’s physical address, financial records, or previous work experience.
A Timeline of Fraud
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2013: Eutaw Construction Company awarded contract to build the 74km Mukono-Katosi-Nyenga Road.
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Early 2014: Shs 24 billion paid upfront to Eutaw (later traced to Abubaker accounts).
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Mid 2014: Site inspection reveals slow progress and lack of heavy machinery.
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Late 2014: IGG launches investigation after whistleblower tips off Parliament.
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2015: Government admits Eutaw does not exist and cancels the contract.
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2016–2017: Project re-awarded to China Railway Group Limited; works begin afresh.
The Fallout: Who Paid the Price?
Despite the scandal’s magnitude, accountability was selective and minimal. A few low-level officials were suspended, and the contract was terminated—but no high-ranking official, including Dan Alinange, faced prosecution.
Instead, the government quietly re-awarded the project to China Railway Group Limited, which eventually completed the road in 2019. The loss of Shs 24 billion was absorbed by taxpayers. No funds were recovered from Eutaw or Abubaker.
The scandal revealed deep institutional weaknesses in procurement, internal audit bypasses, and executive protection of those involved. While the road was eventually completed, it came at double the original cost and after significant delays.
Public Outrage and Institutional Shame
The Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU) and other civil society organizations labeled the Katosi scandal as “a monument to impunity.” The matter was also discussed in Parliament, with MPs demanding a full audit of UNRA’s operations. However, the debate fizzled out without tangible results.
The Katosi project also triggered a broader investigation into UNRA’s procurement record, revealing over 20 ghost contractors, inflated contracts, and billions of shillings lost between 2009 and 2015.
A Pattern of Plunder
The Katosi Road scandal is not just an isolated case—it is part of a broader, systemic pattern where infrastructure projects in Uganda become vehicles for corruption. Whether it’s ghost schools, fake health centers, or vanished road contractors, public investment often ends up in private bank accounts.
In a nation where roads are lifelines, the theft of road funds is not just financial corruption—it is a theft of opportunity, a theft of development, and in many cases, a theft of life as citizens die from lack of access to emergency services due to poor road networks.
The People’s Verdict
Today, commuters drive along the completed Mukono-Katosi road unaware that it sits atop a scandal that robbed Ugandans of more than money. It robbed them of trust. It sent a clear message: in Uganda, promises are made for plunder, not progress.
Quote of the Scandal:
“We thought we were building a highway to prosperity. Instead, we built a tunnel for thieves.” — Local council leader in Mukono District
Editor’s Note:
This exposé is part of our “Roads to Ruin” series, tracking Uganda’s most scandalous infrastructure failures. If you have tips or evidence related to this story, contact our investigative desk
https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandas-stolen-billions-the-katosi-road-project-scandal-a-over-shs-24-billion-highway-to-fraud/
https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandas-stolen-billions-the-katosi-road-project-scandal-a-over-shs-24-billion-highway-to-fraud/ , hoimapost.co.ug
https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandas-stolen-billions-the-katosi-road-project-scandal-a-over-shs-24-billion-highway-to-fraud/ , https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandas-stolen-billions-the-katosi-road-project-scandal-a-over-shs-24-billion-highway-to-fraud/ ,
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