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By Wabusimba Amiri.

In the shadows of the recent U.S. foreign policy realignment under President Donald Trump’s directive on Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (DEIA), Uganda stands at a volatile crossroads economically bruised, socially destabilized, and politically silent. The world is watching, but inside Uganda, there’s a deafening quiet. Parliament is yet to debate the abrupt aid suspension that has paralyzed key service sectors and endangered millions of lives.

 

The United States has, for decades, been Uganda’s largest bilateral donor, injecting an average of $1.2 billion annually into health, agriculture, governance, and humanitarian sectors. But a rapid 45-day audit triggered by the DEIA directive originally projected to take 90 days resulted in a near-immediate aid freeze. The aftermath has been cataclysmic: approximately 70% of U.S. aid has was suspended, slashing financial support to a mere $360 million, leaving a deficit of $840 million that Uganda is ill-equipped to fill. At the heart of this crisis lies the chronic dependency of Uganda’s public systems on foreign generosity. The freeze is not simply a political gesture from Washington; it is a mirror exposing Uganda’s systemic failure to prepare for the eventuality of aid withdrawal.

 

Uganda’s fragile health system is bleeding with over 1.4 million Ugandans live with HIV, the majority of whom rely on U.S.-funded antiretroviral therapy (ART) and 350,000 plus patients are now at risk of treatment interruption, the specter of a backslide into uncontrolled HIV transmission looms large. According to Uganda’s National AIDS Control Program, the consequences could erase two decades of gains in HIV management. Equally dire is the status of tuberculosis (TB) patients, Uganda records over 30 TB-related deaths daily. The funding shortfall has already stalled drug procurement cycles and outreach services. Health workers supported by U.S. aid many of whom formed over 90% of staff in critical treatment and prevention programs have either been laid off or are operating without salaries.

 

Uganda’s vibrant civil society, often hailed as the lifeblood of service delivery in underserved areas, is hemorrhaging. The NGO sector, which employs nearly 20% of Uganda’s workforce, has been hit by mass layoffs, life office closures, and suspended field activities. Organizations working on gender equality, lifesaving support, youth empowerment, climate resilience, and maternal health have gone silent. With every shuttered NGO office, hundreds of vulnerable Ugandans lose access to food, shelter, psychosocial support, health or education. Moreover, the aid freeze has deepened Uganda’s unemployment crisis, already pegged at 9.6%, with youth unemployment far higher. The ripple effect is spilling over into household economies and local markets, threatening social cohesion.

 

What’s most alarming is not just the abruptness of the aid cut but the eerie silence that followed. Uganda’s Parliament has neither debated nor acknowledged the implications of the suspension. Ministers remain tight-lipped, Community representatives, many from districts hardest hit by the loss of health and food programs, have offered no statements or policy alternatives. Civil society actors decry the vacuum of political accountability as a betrayal of public trust. The DEIA policy itself aims to ensure equity in U.S. aid distribution globally, a noble cause. But its rollout lacked diplomatic foresight. There was no grace period, no structured transition plan, and most critically no clear guidance during the waiver window which briefly exempted life-saving interventions. This ambiguity left program managers unsure whether to pause, wind down, or continue life-saving services.

 

Uganda is not alone in its aid dependency, many sub-Saharan African states have grown tethered to donor capital. But Uganda’s case is especially stark. Aid finances over 48% of the national health budget and subsidizes 60% of HIV-related care. The current suspension is a textbook case of how foreign policy shifts however well-intentioned can destabilize entire nations when local resilience is absent. The bigger question emerging from this debacle is one of sovereignty. Can Uganda truly claim self-determination when its health, employment, and education systems are so vulnerable to a single donor’s internal political recalibration?

 

Uganda must treat this crisis not as a lament, but as a signal to course-correct. While U.S. aid has been instrumental in supporting progress, the lack of exit strategies, sustainability frameworks, and robust domestic investment has rendered much of that support a temporary fix rather than a long-term solution. What Uganda needs now is more than financial aid it needs structural reform:

  • A serious national conversation on development independence;
  • Investment in domestic resource mobilization and taxation systems;
  • Stronger public-private partnerships to fill service gaps;
  • Diversification of donor support to avoid overreliance on a single country;
  • And above all, political will to legislate and operationalize resilience.

 

The aid suspension has painfully demonstrated that foreign assistance no matter how generous cannot substitute for sound governance. Uganda’s policymakers must urgently engage the international community, not only to renegotiate humanitarian carve-outs, but also to present a credible, sustainable roadmap for resilience and reform. Uganda’s future cannot be mortgaged to fluctuating foreign agendas.

 

The current crisis is not just about aid; it is about agency. The country must transition from a model of dependency to one of dignity where its systems are strong, its people are protected, and its destiny is not determined thousands of miles away in Washington. The world owes Uganda understanding and transitional support but Uganda owes itself the courage to evolve. The next step must be inward, building a self-reliant nation not at the mercy of policy memos, but empowered by its own vision for sustainable development.

Wabusimba Amiri is a diplomatic Scholar, Journalist, political analyst and Human Right activist. Tel: +56775103895 email: Wabusimbaa@gmail.com

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Kampala’s Pursuit of Beauty Has turned non-motorized Namirembe Road into a Symbol of Neglect. » The Hoima Post –

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By Wabusimba Amiri. In the heart of Uganda’s capital, a wave of enforcement under the “Keep Kampala Green” campaign has swept across the city. Hajjat Buzeki Sharifa the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) Executive Director and her team have taken to the streets, cracking down on pedestrians found stepping onto green spaces. Arrests have been made and victims paraded before courts, while headlines may applaud the city’s efforts to protect its environment, the lived reality for most Kampala residents is far from green.

 

For the everyday pedestrian, street vendor, or traveler navigating the city’s crumbling infrastructure and chaotic transport systems, this campaign feels less like an environmental initiative and more like the criminalization of survival. In one alarming incident, a law enforcement officer pursuing a street hawker knocked over an innocent pedestrian. Such scenes are becoming disturbingly common, illustrating that the campaign’s focus on aesthetics is eclipsing the urgent need for structural reform. But the question remains: why are people walking on the grass in the first place?

 

Kampala’s roads are potholed, the drainage systems are open or entirely broken, and sidewalks are regularly overrun by boda bodas, taxis that have grown so rapidly and uncontrollably they now dominate urban mobility. These riders, faced with mounting traffic and no clear regulations, often mount pedestrian paths or spill into green spaces. As a result, pedestrians are left with no safe space to walk but the very lawns they are now being arrested for using.

 

Uganda, once known for its agricultural prowess and natural endowment, is now witnessing a sharp transition into a “Boda Boda Republic.” With youth unemployment on the rise and limited avenues for formal employment, many young Ugandans have turned to boda boda riding as their only viable source of income. It is unfair, even absurd, to ask the city’s jobless and desperate youth to observe order in a system that provides them no alternative path to survival.

 

Instead of punishing symptoms, KCCA must address the root causes. A city cannot enforce order while ignoring inequality. It cannot claim to promote greening while simultaneously allowing planning gaps and enforcement failures to flourish. More dangerously, it cannot continue to allow law enforcement officers to engage in heavy-handed tactics that endanger the very citizens they are meant to protect. Urban order must meet urban empathy. Law enforcement officers must be trained not only in how to enforce the law but also in how to interact with vulnerable populations in a humane and just manner.

 

Namirembe Road stands out as a perfect example of disconnect between urban vision and execution. Once celebrated as a pioneering, non-motorized zone for pedestrians and cyclists, it has since descended into an unregulated hub for boda boda stages and taxi loading zones. What was designed as a green and accessible public space has been overwhelmed by the very forces it sought to regulate. If a flagship street like Namirembe backed by funding, international attention, and strategic planning can fall into disrepair, then the rest of the city’s roads face an even grimmer reality.

 

The vision for a green Kampala should not merely focus on planting grass and arresting those who tread on it. It must include an urgent restructuring of the city’s informal transport sector, better urban planning, repair of key infrastructure, proper drainage systems, and protection of pedestrian walkways. Youth need meaningful opportunities in agriculture, innovation, and business not just another warning not to step on the grass.

 

Kampala’s transformation must begin with a commitment to fairness and dignity. The beauty of a green city is not in how many trees it plants or how neatly its lawns are mowed. True beauty lies in how well it treats its people. Winston Churchill once called Uganda the Pearl of Africa not because of its manicured lawns, but because of its rich natural and human potential. To realize that potential in Kampala, we must stop policing the grass and start cultivating justice. The city’s future lies not in the color of its gardens, but in the character of its governance.

 

Amiri Wabusimba is a diplomatic Scholar, Journalist, political analyst and Human Right activist. Tel: +56775103895 email: Wabusimbaa@gmail.com.

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Should a Convicted Cardinal Help Choose the Next Pope? » The Hoima Post –

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By Alexander Luyima | Religious Scholar

The election of a new pope is meant to be a sacred, solemn process—a moment when the College of Cardinals seeks divine guidance to select the next leader of the 1.3 billion Catholics worldwide. But this time, the conclave is mired in controversy, as Cardinal Giovanni Angelo Vecchio, a man convicted of financial crimes, demands the right to vote—and even be voted for—despite his fall from grace.

The Unprecedented Scandal

Vecchio was once among the Vatican’s most powerful figures. But in 2020, Pope Francis stripped him of his cardinal privileges following an internal investigation. Then, in 2023, the Vatican’s criminal court delivered a historic blow: Vecchio was found guilty of embezzlement and fraud, and sentenced to five and a half years in prison—making him the first cardinal ever convicted by the Holy See’s own tribunal.

Yet, thanks to a pending appeal, Vecchio remains free, residing in a Vatican apartment while his legal battle drags on. Now, with the papal conclave approaching, he insists that an invitation to a 2022 meeting of cardinals somehow restored his full rights, including the ability to vote for the next pope.

Canon Law vs. Moral Authority

The Church’s legal experts are divided:

Some argue that unless explicitly reinstated, Vecchio’s 2020 removal by Pope Francis still stands.

Others claim that participation in official gatherings implies a tacit restoration of privileges.

But beyond the legal technicalities lies a deeper question: Should a convicted criminal—one found guilty by the Vatican’s own court—help elect the next Vicar of Christ?

“This isn’t just about rules; it’s about credibility,” says Dr. Elena Rossi, a canon law specialist. “The Church has spent years trying to rebuild trust after scandals. Allowing a felon in the conclave would send a disastrous message.”

A Wider Pattern of Scandal

Vecchio isn’t the only controversial figure lingering in the Vatican’s halls.

Two other cardinals, previously found guilty of sexual abuse, are expected to attend pre-conclave discussions—though they cannot vote due to age restrictions.

Critics argue that their mere presence undermines the moral weight of the process.

“The optics are terrible,” notes Father Thomas Brennan, a reform advocate. “If the Church truly wants to cleanse itself, it must start by keeping those who betrayed its trust far from the seat of power.”

What Happens Next?

The Vatican has remained silent so far, but pressure is mounting.

1. Will Pope Francis issue a definitive ruling?

2. Will the College of Cardinals reject Vecchio’s claim?

3. Or will this set a dangerous precedent for future conclaves?

One thing is clear: The world is watching—and so are the faithful.

Join the Debate
Should convicted clergy have any role in selecting the next pope? Share your thoughts below with #VaticanConclave #ChurchAccountability #CatholicReform.

Follow for further analysis as this pivotal moment in Church history unfolds.

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The Looting, Lies, and Fear of a Dictator Exposed » The Hoima Post –

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President Museveni

By Alexander Luyima

The Fall from Liberation to Paranoia

In March 1987, Yoweri Museveni—fresh from seizing power—could still look Ugandans in the eye. His convoy? Just six cars. As he drove past Baganda Bus Park, he stood boldly through the sunroof, waving at citizens. When his aide, Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga, warned him to sit down for safety, Museveni scoffed:

“Gwe Serwanga, nvaako – nabba kyaani?”
(“You Serwanga, leave me alone—whose property have I stolen to be shot?”)

Fast forward to 2025: a battalion of armored trucks, drones, counter-assault teams, and over 30 vehicles now shields him. Why? Because today, Museveni has stolen not just property—but an entire nation.

The Evidence of Loot: From Peasant Revolt to Kleptocracy

1. The Land Grabs & Family Empire

The 9,000-Acre Namanve Land Scandal: In 2021, the government illegally evicted over 4,000 families to hand prime land to Museveni’s brother, Gen. Salim Saleh, and Chinese investors. (Daily Monitor, 2021)

The Mabira Forest Giveaway: Despite national outrage, Museveni’s regime repeatedly attempted to parcel out protected forest land to sugar tycoons linked to his family. (The Observer, 2023)

2. The Oil Mafia & Shadow Accounts

Uganda’s Oil: A Family Cash Cow – In 2020, Global Witness exposed how Museveni’s son-in-law, Edwin Karugire, and other regime elites secretly controlled oil blocks through offshore shell companies. (Global Witness, 2020)

The $10 Billion Oil Debt Mystery – Despite multiple deals signed, billions remain unaccounted for, with no public transparency on beneficiaries. (Africa Intelligence, 2024)

3. Military Corruption & Ghost Soldiers

The $500 Million “Ghost Soldiers” Scandal: In 2022, Parliament revealed how billions meant for army salaries vanished, with thousands of “ghost soldiers” on payroll while real soldiers starved. (ChimpReports, 2022)

Museveni’s Private Militias: The Special Forces Command (SFC)—loyal only to him—receives $300 million annually, while public hospitals run out of basic medicines. (The Independent, 2023)

Why Museveni Fears Ugandans Now

1. The Betrayal of Comrades

Major Kazooora, a hero of the 1986 Masindi assault, was denied a state funeral for exposing corruption in his memoirs.

Other NRA veterans like Col. Kizza Besigye and Gen. David Sejusa have faced torture, exile, or silencing for demanding accountability.

2. The Rise of a Police State

Over 1,200 political prisoners languish in jail—including National Unity Platform (NUP) supporters. (Human Rights Watch, 2024)

Journalists such as Kakwenza Rukirabashaija are abducted and tortured for criticizing Museveni’s family. (Amnesty International, 2023)

3. The Youth Revolt

76% of Ugandans are under 30—and they are unemployed, angry, and online.

#MuseveniMustGo trends weekly despite the regime’s censorship and surveillance.

The Final Lie: “Liberator” Turned Prison Warden

Museveni once declared:
“The problem of Africa is leaders who overstay.”

Yet 39 years later, he clings to power—rigging elections, killing protesters, and looting billions while Ugandans suffer.

The People’s Verdict

We remember Kazooora.
We expose the looters.
We reject fear.

Museveni’s walls of security won’t hide his crimes forever.

#MuseveniIsALooter #UgandaIsBleeding #KazoooraWasRight #YouthArise #EndTortureInUganda #OilMoneyStolen #LandGrabsExposed #MuseveniMustGo

Spread this. Share this. The truth will win.

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