
Journalists Detail Harrowing Assault by Armed Men During Kawempe By-Election » The Hoima Post –
The day began with the usual hum of an election, a tentative normalcy that quickly dissolved into chaos for the journalists of the Nation Media Group (NMG), tasked with covering the Kawempe North by-election.
Hasifah Nanvuma, her Spark TV microphone poised, sought the voices of the people in Kazo Angola. Her focus was on the silent voters, the absentees. But the story shifted violently when UPDF patrol vehicles descended, arresting political figures and anyone in their path. “They jumped out with whips,” she recounted, her voice still trembling. “They came straight at me.” Her camera, her tool of truth, was smashed. She escaped, a fugitive in her own community, discarding her press badge and jacket, a desperate act of self-preservation. “I hid in a toilet,” she whispered, the indignity of the moment etched in her memory.
David Ijjo, filming the FDC flag bearer, saw the glint of black wire cables in the hands of UPDF soldiers. A premonition of violence sent him scrambling to warn his colleagues, but it was too late. “They shouted to arrest whoever is wearing press,” he said, his voice tight. Journalists were dragged towards waiting drones, beaten with wires, their cameras ripped from their hands.
David Walugembe, lacking protective gear, sought refuge in an NTV car. From his vantage point, he witnessed the brutality unfold, masked security personnel wielding batons and guns, sparing no journalist. “No journalist was spared,” he repeated, the phrase a chilling testament.
Noeline Nabukenya, initially observing a calm scene disrupted by faulty biometric machines, saw the tide turn with the arrest of Kayemba Solo. “I was beaten up,” she said, her voice flat, “cameras damaged by a person who appeared to be a security officer in plain clothes.” Then came the coordinated attacks, journalists hijacked, their equipment destroyed, and their bodies thrown into white drones.
Vicent Lusambya, initially stationed at Homisdallen Primary School, sensed the danger as he moved towards Kawempe-Mbogo Primary School. Removing his press jacket, he sought updates, only to learn of the brutalization of his colleagues. The branded media vehicle, once a symbol of his profession, now felt like a target. He sought anonymity on a boda-boda, fleeing to the relative safety of the Serena duty station.
Barbra Anyait, witnessing the army’s sudden descent upon civilians, sought refuge in a shop, the owner offering a temporary sanctuary. “They started beating people who were standing along the roadside,” she recalled, her voice laced with fear.
Geoffrey Mutumba, deployed to Kawempe Mbogo, saw the calm shatter as armed vehicles and security personnel on motorcycles descended upon the journalists. “We had to run to our vehicles,” he said, the urgency still palpable.
Abubaker Lubowa, the photographer, painted a harrowing picture of captivity. “They made us sit down, blindfolded us, and started beating us with batons and guns,” he recounted, his voice thick with emotion. “They destroyed our cameras, stole our shoes, watches, destroyed our phones.” The drone, a metal cage of terror, became a symbol of their ordeal. “They are using acts of cowardice,” he declared, his voice a defiant whisper.
Raymond Tamale, beaten and thrown into a drone, recited the rosary, a desperate plea for survival. “They made us count from one to 13,” he said, his voice trembling, “and as you are counting, they hit a baton on your head.”
Denis Kabugo, the camera person, tried to run, but was caught, subjected to the same brutal treatment. “The beatings in the drone were too much,” he said, his voice strained. “They kept saying Tamale and my colleagues have big bodies so we can handle the pain.”
Jennifer Kabaale, arriving at Kazo Angola to rescue Nanvuma, found a scene of terror. “We realized that things had become tense and journalists were scared,” she recounted. “Then we saw men in UPDF uniform coming towards us and we ran for safety.” She was saved by a shopkeeper, a silent witness to the brutality, offering refuge from the storm.
Their stories, fragments of a single, horrifying narrative, painted a stark picture of the Kawempe North by-election – not as a democratic exercise, but as a day of fear, violence, and the silencing of truth
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Should a Convicted Cardinal Help Choose the Next Pope? » The Hoima Post –

By Alexander Luyima | Religious Scholar
The election of a new pope is meant to be a sacred, solemn process—a moment when the College of Cardinals seeks divine guidance to select the next leader of the 1.3 billion Catholics worldwide. But this time, the conclave is mired in controversy, as Cardinal Giovanni Angelo Vecchio, a man convicted of financial crimes, demands the right to vote—and even be voted for—despite his fall from grace.
The Unprecedented Scandal
Vecchio was once among the Vatican’s most powerful figures. But in 2020, Pope Francis stripped him of his cardinal privileges following an internal investigation. Then, in 2023, the Vatican’s criminal court delivered a historic blow: Vecchio was found guilty of embezzlement and fraud, and sentenced to five and a half years in prison—making him the first cardinal ever convicted by the Holy See’s own tribunal.
Yet, thanks to a pending appeal, Vecchio remains free, residing in a Vatican apartment while his legal battle drags on. Now, with the papal conclave approaching, he insists that an invitation to a 2022 meeting of cardinals somehow restored his full rights, including the ability to vote for the next pope.
Canon Law vs. Moral Authority
The Church’s legal experts are divided:
Some argue that unless explicitly reinstated, Vecchio’s 2020 removal by Pope Francis still stands.
Others claim that participation in official gatherings implies a tacit restoration of privileges.
But beyond the legal technicalities lies a deeper question: Should a convicted criminal—one found guilty by the Vatican’s own court—help elect the next Vicar of Christ?
“This isn’t just about rules; it’s about credibility,” says Dr. Elena Rossi, a canon law specialist. “The Church has spent years trying to rebuild trust after scandals. Allowing a felon in the conclave would send a disastrous message.”
A Wider Pattern of Scandal
Vecchio isn’t the only controversial figure lingering in the Vatican’s halls.
Two other cardinals, previously found guilty of sexual abuse, are expected to attend pre-conclave discussions—though they cannot vote due to age restrictions.
Critics argue that their mere presence undermines the moral weight of the process.
“The optics are terrible,” notes Father Thomas Brennan, a reform advocate. “If the Church truly wants to cleanse itself, it must start by keeping those who betrayed its trust far from the seat of power.”
What Happens Next?
The Vatican has remained silent so far, but pressure is mounting.
1. Will Pope Francis issue a definitive ruling?
2. Will the College of Cardinals reject Vecchio’s claim?
3. Or will this set a dangerous precedent for future conclaves?
One thing is clear: The world is watching—and so are the faithful.
Join the Debate
Should convicted clergy have any role in selecting the next pope? Share your thoughts below with #VaticanConclave #ChurchAccountability #CatholicReform.
Follow for further analysis as this pivotal moment in Church history unfolds.
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The Looting, Lies, and Fear of a Dictator Exposed » The Hoima Post –

By Alexander Luyima
The Fall from Liberation to Paranoia
In March 1987, Yoweri Museveni—fresh from seizing power—could still look Ugandans in the eye. His convoy? Just six cars. As he drove past Baganda Bus Park, he stood boldly through the sunroof, waving at citizens. When his aide, Lt. Col. Serwanga Lwanga, warned him to sit down for safety, Museveni scoffed:
“Gwe Serwanga, nvaako – nabba kyaani?”
(“You Serwanga, leave me alone—whose property have I stolen to be shot?”)
Fast forward to 2025: a battalion of armored trucks, drones, counter-assault teams, and over 30 vehicles now shields him. Why? Because today, Museveni has stolen not just property—but an entire nation.
The Evidence of Loot: From Peasant Revolt to Kleptocracy
1. The Land Grabs & Family Empire
The 9,000-Acre Namanve Land Scandal: In 2021, the government illegally evicted over 4,000 families to hand prime land to Museveni’s brother, Gen. Salim Saleh, and Chinese investors. (Daily Monitor, 2021)
The Mabira Forest Giveaway: Despite national outrage, Museveni’s regime repeatedly attempted to parcel out protected forest land to sugar tycoons linked to his family. (The Observer, 2023)
2. The Oil Mafia & Shadow Accounts
Uganda’s Oil: A Family Cash Cow – In 2020, Global Witness exposed how Museveni’s son-in-law, Edwin Karugire, and other regime elites secretly controlled oil blocks through offshore shell companies. (Global Witness, 2020)
The $10 Billion Oil Debt Mystery – Despite multiple deals signed, billions remain unaccounted for, with no public transparency on beneficiaries. (Africa Intelligence, 2024)
3. Military Corruption & Ghost Soldiers
The $500 Million “Ghost Soldiers” Scandal: In 2022, Parliament revealed how billions meant for army salaries vanished, with thousands of “ghost soldiers” on payroll while real soldiers starved. (ChimpReports, 2022)
Museveni’s Private Militias: The Special Forces Command (SFC)—loyal only to him—receives $300 million annually, while public hospitals run out of basic medicines. (The Independent, 2023)
Why Museveni Fears Ugandans Now
1. The Betrayal of Comrades
Major Kazooora, a hero of the 1986 Masindi assault, was denied a state funeral for exposing corruption in his memoirs.
Other NRA veterans like Col. Kizza Besigye and Gen. David Sejusa have faced torture, exile, or silencing for demanding accountability.
2. The Rise of a Police State
Over 1,200 political prisoners languish in jail—including National Unity Platform (NUP) supporters. (Human Rights Watch, 2024)
Journalists such as Kakwenza Rukirabashaija are abducted and tortured for criticizing Museveni’s family. (Amnesty International, 2023)
3. The Youth Revolt
76% of Ugandans are under 30—and they are unemployed, angry, and online.
#MuseveniMustGo trends weekly despite the regime’s censorship and surveillance.
The Final Lie: “Liberator” Turned Prison Warden
Museveni once declared:
“The problem of Africa is leaders who overstay.”
Yet 39 years later, he clings to power—rigging elections, killing protesters, and looting billions while Ugandans suffer.
The People’s Verdict
We remember Kazooora.
We expose the looters.
We reject fear.
Museveni’s walls of security won’t hide his crimes forever.
#MuseveniIsALooter #UgandaIsBleeding #KazoooraWasRight #YouthArise #EndTortureInUganda #OilMoneyStolen #LandGrabsExposed #MuseveniMustGo
Spread this. Share this. The truth will win.
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The Gate is Open, But Who Will Step Out? A Reflection on Uganda’s Fear of Freedom » The Hoima Post –

By Alexander Luyima
For years, I kept my chickens indoors. One day, I opened the gate to give them a chance at freedom—to roam, find their own food, and taste a world beyond the fence. But they hesitated. Even with the gate wide open, they stayed inside, conditioned by routine and confinement. I had to chase them out, only for them to scurry around nervously, unsure of what to do with their newfound “freedom.”
This is not just a story about chickens—it is a mirror of our society.
Many Ugandans, like those chickens, have been conditioned to find comfort in captivity. We’ve grown so used to the crumbs falling from the table of the oppressor that we fear sitting at the table ourselves. So when the gates of opportunity or revolution open, we freeze, hesitate, and sometimes even resist the ones trying to lead us through.
The Psychological Chains of Oppression
“Freedom is a mindset before it is a reality,” says Jim Spire Ssentongo, academic, cartoonist, and one of Uganda’s most revered satirical voices. “Many people are so used to being told what to do, what to believe, and what to accept that they develop an emotional loyalty to their own oppression.”
Hon. Lutamaguzi Semakula, Member of Parliament for Nakaseke South, echoes this sentiment:
> “The real struggle is not just against the dictator, but against the fear that lives in the hearts of the people. Ugandans need to believe that they deserve better, and that change is possible.”
But one man continues to knock on the hearts and minds of Ugandans with unwavering courage—Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine. A pop star turned opposition leader, Kyagulanyi has repeatedly risked his life to lead Ugandans through that open gate to a new Uganda. His rallying cry, “People Power, Our Power”, is not just a slogan. It’s a call to consciousness.
> “I don’t want to be your hero. I want you to know that you are the hero Uganda has been waiting for,” Kyagulanyi said in a recent address. “Don’t fear the freedom you deserve. Walk through the gate, and let’s build a new Uganda together.”
Why the Gate Must Stay Open
The systems that have kept Ugandans in economic, social, and political bondage are cracking—but cracks alone are not enough. We must walk through them. The gate is open. The future awaits.
It will take bold leaders, courageous citizens, and persistent truth-tellers to keep pushing against the tide of fear. But more importantly, it will take each one of us choosing not to cling to the familiar cages of the past.
Call to Action:
Ugandans, both at home and in the diaspora, the time has come to break the mental chains.
Ask questions.
Organize in your communities.
Support voices of reason and resistance.
Vote with your conscience.
Reject fear and walk boldly into the Uganda we all deserve.
Because freedom, once tasted, will never be forgotten.
Join the Movement. Share the Message.
#UgandaDeservesBetter
#PeoplePowerOurPower
#OpenTheGate
#MentalEmancipation
#NewUgandaNow
#WalkOutWithBobiWine
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