The day began with the usual hum of an election, a tentative normalcy that quickly dissolved into chaos for the journalists of the Nation Media Group (NMG), tasked with covering the Kawempe North by-election.

Hasifah Nanvuma, her Spark TV microphone poised, sought the voices of the people in Kazo Angola. Her focus was on the silent voters, the absentees. But the story shifted violently when UPDF patrol vehicles descended, arresting political figures and anyone in their path. “They jumped out with whips,” she recounted, her voice still trembling. “They came straight at me.” Her camera, her tool of truth, was smashed. She escaped, a fugitive in her own community, discarding her press badge and jacket, a desperate act of self-preservation. “I hid in a toilet,” she whispered, the indignity of the moment etched in her memory.

David Ijjo, filming the FDC flag bearer, saw the glint of black wire cables in the hands of UPDF soldiers. A premonition of violence sent him scrambling to warn his colleagues, but it was too late. “They shouted to arrest whoever is wearing press,” he said, his voice tight. Journalists were dragged towards waiting drones, beaten with wires, their cameras ripped from their hands.

David Walugembe, lacking protective gear, sought refuge in an NTV car. From his vantage point, he witnessed the brutality unfold, masked security personnel wielding batons and guns, sparing no journalist. “No journalist was spared,” he repeated, the phrase a chilling testament.

Noeline Nabukenya, initially observing a calm scene disrupted by faulty biometric machines, saw the tide turn with the arrest of Kayemba Solo. “I was beaten up,” she said, her voice flat, “cameras damaged by a person who appeared to be a security officer in plain clothes.” Then came the coordinated attacks, journalists hijacked, their equipment destroyed, and their bodies thrown into white drones.

Vicent Lusambya, initially stationed at Homisdallen Primary School, sensed the danger as he moved towards Kawempe-Mbogo Primary School. Removing his press jacket, he sought updates, only to learn of the brutalization of his colleagues. The branded media vehicle, once a symbol of his profession, now felt like a target. He sought anonymity on a boda-boda, fleeing to the relative safety of the Serena duty station.

Barbra Anyait, witnessing the army’s sudden descent upon civilians, sought refuge in a shop, the owner offering a temporary sanctuary. “They started beating people who were standing along the roadside,” she recalled, her voice laced with fear.

Geoffrey Mutumba, deployed to Kawempe Mbogo, saw the calm shatter as armed vehicles and security personnel on motorcycles descended upon the journalists. “We had to run to our vehicles,” he said, the urgency still palpable.

Abubaker Lubowa, the photographer, painted a harrowing picture of captivity. “They made us sit down, blindfolded us, and started beating us with batons and guns,” he recounted, his voice thick with emotion. “They destroyed our cameras, stole our shoes, watches, destroyed our phones.” The drone, a metal cage of terror, became a symbol of their ordeal. “They are using acts of cowardice,” he declared, his voice a defiant whisper.

Raymond Tamale, beaten and thrown into a drone, recited the rosary, a desperate plea for survival. “They made us count from one to 13,” he said, his voice trembling, “and as you are counting, they hit a baton on your head.”

Denis Kabugo, the camera person, tried to run, but was caught, subjected to the same brutal treatment. “The beatings in the drone were too much,” he said, his voice strained. “They kept saying Tamale and my colleagues have big bodies so we can handle the pain.”

Jennifer Kabaale, arriving at Kazo Angola to rescue Nanvuma, found a scene of terror. “We realized that things had become tense and journalists were scared,” she recounted. “Then we saw men in UPDF uniform coming towards us and we ran for safety.” She was saved by a shopkeeper, a silent witness to the brutality, offering refuge from the storm.

Their stories, fragments of a single, horrifying narrative, painted a stark picture of the Kawempe North by-election – not as a democratic exercise, but as a day of fear, violence, and the silencing of truth

The Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, has directed his legal team to take action against the Minister of State for Lands, Dr. Sam Mayanja, over his alleged disregard of court rulings concerning the disputed Kaazi land, which is officially owned by the Buganda Kingdom.

In a press statement from the Kingdom, Buganda’s Attorney General, Christopher Bwanika, dismissed Minister Mayanja’s involvement in the land dispute. He condemned the minister’s recent orders instructing the Registrar General of the Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB) to deregister the Buganda Land Board (BLB), the institution responsible for managing the Kabaka’s land.

Bwanika described the minister’s actions as “contempt of court and disregard for the law,” adding that the Kabaka’s legal team had been instructed to file a lawsuit challenging Mayanja’s statements and actions.

“The Kingdom of Buganda has directed its external lawyers to take legal action against Hon. Dr. Sam Mayanja’s declarations, utterances, and actions, including those made during the March 4, 2025, meeting at Kaazi,” Bwanika said.

The disputed land, located on Block 273, Plot 5, has a long and complex history. Initially part of the 350 acres allocated to the Kabaka of Buganda under the 1900 Agreement, the land title was first created in 1923. It was officially registered under the then-Kabaka, His Highness Chwa II, and has since been passed down through successive Kabakas.

He clarified that although Ssekabaka Chwa II received the land from the British colonial government, he did not own it as an individual but as the King of Buganda. “It is important to note that Ssekabaka Daudi Chwa II did not own the Kaazi land in his personal capacity. He held it in his official capacity as Kabaka. This land was later passed on to Ssekabaka Edward Muteesa II and is now held by Kabaka Mutebi II in the same official capacity,” Bwanika explained.

In 1948, then-Kabaka Edward Muteesa II leased the land to the Uganda Scouts Association for 49 years, strictly for scouting and camping purposes. However, following the abolition of kingdoms in 1967, the central government confiscated the land and vested it under the Uganda Land Commission. The land was officially returned to the Kabaka in 1993 through the Traditional Rulers (Restitution of Assets and Properties) Act, and it is now managed by the Buganda Land Board on behalf of the Kingdom.

Bwanika stated that both the Uganda Land Commission and the Scouts Association acted unlawfully by creating unauthorized subleases without the Kabaka’s consent. “The Kabaka successfully petitioned the Commissioner of Land Registration, who subsequently canceled the illegal lease titles,” he said. He further noted that the Kabaka solidified his ownership of the land by winning a legal battle against Prince Kalemeera and others in a landmark 2020 ruling, in which the claimants were found to have falsely claimed ownership of the land.

“As confirmed by the court, it is an undisputed fact that the land rightfully belongs to the Kabaka,” he emphasized. “We urge the public to disregard any misleading claims suggesting otherwise.”

Buganda Land Board spokesperson Denis Bugaya questioned Mayanja’s understanding of the law and criticized his recent remarks and actions, arguing that the minister was fully aware that a court ruling had already settled the dispute. Bugaya informed that all necessary preparations to take Mayanja to court had been completed, and they had sufficient evidence to successfully prosecute him.

“For the first time in modern Buganda Kingdom history, we are taking Mr. Sam Mayanja to court in his individual capacity. We believe we have an actionable case against him for abuse of office and issuing illegal directives to his junior officers,” Bugaya stated.

He emphasized that the Buganda Kingdom would not stand by while individuals like Mayanja mislead the Kabaka’s subjects, reaffirming the Kingdom’s commitment to taking legal action as required by the law. The lawsuit, based on Mayanja’s declarations, utterances, and actions, including those made during the March 4, 2025, meeting at Kaazi, aims to secure legal relief for the Kingdom.

Currently, the Kaazi land, situated on Block 273, Plot 5, remains part of the 350 acres allocated to the Kabaka under the 1900 Agreement. The corresponding land title, created on June 22, 1923, was initially registered under FC 18454 before being entered into the Mailo Register Volume (MRV) 269 Folio 25. In 1948, the Kabaka leased the land to the Uganda Scouts Association for a period of 49 years, starting July 1, 1948.

The lease agreement explicitly prohibited the Scouts Association from subdividing or subleasing the land. This lease was registered under instrument number 81336 in Leasehold Register Volume (LRV) 236, Folio 7

The recently concluded Kawempe North parliamentary by-election has left Uganda at a crossroads. National Unity Platform (NUP) candidate Elias Luyimbazi Nalukoola emerged victorious in an election marred by violence, voter intimidation, and blatant human rights violations. While Nalukoola’s win reflects the resilience of Kawempe North’s electorate, the surrounding events raise serious concerns about the state of democracy, press freedom, and the rule of law in Uganda.

A Victory Marred by Violence and Low Voter Turnout

Nalukoola’s victory, with 17,764 votes against the National Resistance Movement (NRM)’s Faridah Nambi’s 8,593, was a clear statement from the electorate. However, the election was far from free and fair. With a voter turnout of just 14.1%, it highlighted systemic flaws in Uganda’s electoral process. Reports of pre-ticked ballots, destroyed voting materials, and a heavy military presence deterred thousands from casting their votes.

The election was further tainted by brutal attacks on journalists, opposition supporters, and polling agents. Security forces, including the Joint Anti-Terrorism Taskforce (JATT) and regular military personnel, unleashed violence on the streets, assaulting journalists and confiscating their equipment. This brazen attack on the press underscores the shrinking space for media freedom in Uganda—an essential pillar of any functioning democracy.

The State of Press Freedom: A Grim Reality

The targeting of journalists during the Kawempe North by-election is not an isolated incident but part of a broader pattern of state-sponsored repression. Ugandan journalists face harassment, detention, and forced exile. The recent parliamentary directive requiring security personnel to identify themselves during operations was blatantly disregarded, further proving that Uganda’s security forces operate with impunity.

This disregard for accountability and press freedom reveals a disturbing truth: Mr. Yoweri Museveni’s government prioritizes power over the people. The chilling statement by Chief of Defence Forces General Muhoozi Kainerugaba—urging the NRM to win “even if it means killing all polling agents”—exposes the extent to which the ruling elite is willing to go to maintain its grip on power.

Human Rights Violations: A New Normal?

The Kawempe North by-election has exposed the growing trend of human rights violations in Uganda. From brutal voter suppression to the destruction of polling materials, the election reflects the broader crisis facing the country. Voter intimidation, unlawful detentions, and heavy military deployments are becoming the norm, pushing Uganda further towards autocracy.

Independent candidate Hanifah Karadi’s concerns about pre-ticked ballots and voter intimidation highlight the deep-seated flaws in Uganda’s electoral system. These irregularities, coupled with low voter turnout, raise serious doubts about the election’s legitimacy and the future of democracy in Uganda.

Is Uganda Safe to Visit or Invest In?

Tourism: Uganda remains relatively safe for tourists in controlled areas such as national parks. However, political hotspots like Kampala, Wakiso, and other urban centers pose significant risks, especially during protests and elections.

Investment: The political climate is unstable, corruption is rampant, and press freedom is under attack. Many international investors are shifting their focus to Kenya and Rwanda, which offer greater political stability and business security.

Diaspora Engagement: Ugandans abroad are increasingly concerned about arbitrary arrests, land grabs, and an increasingly authoritarian state. Many hesitate to return, invest, or engage politically due to the unpredictable environment.

Can Mr. Museveni Change After 40 Years in Power?

It is highly unlikely that Mr. Museveni will implement meaningful reforms:

His government increasingly relies on military repression to silence opposition and control elections.

The succession plan appears to favor his son, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, rather than democratic processes.

International pressure has failed in the past, as Uganda remains a key Western ally in regional security affairs.

The Kawempe North by-election signals a turning point: Uganda is at risk of becoming a full-fledged military state rather than a democracy.

What’s Next for Ugandans?

With General Muhoozi Kainerugaba’s rising influence and Mr. Museveni being increasingly sidelined, Uganda is entering uncharted political territory. Despite Mr. Museveni’s insistence that he remains in control, mounting evidence suggests that his son and the military are now the real power brokers.

Ugandans must prepare for a new era of repression, violence, and intensified human rights violations. The international community must take urgent action to address the deteriorating situation before Uganda spirals into a full-scale dictatorship.

The Fight for Democracy Continues

The people of Kawempe North have spoken, but their victory is bittersweet. The road ahead is fraught with challenges, and the fight for democracy and human rights is far from over. Ugandans must unite in their demand for accountability, transparency, and the rule of law.

As NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya aptly put it, “The harder they fight, the sweeter the victory.” But at what cost? Uganda stands at a precipice, and the choices made today will determine whether the country descends further into chaos or rises to reclaim its democratic ideals.

The world is watching. Uganda’s future hangs in the balance.

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