
Supreme Court Rules: Military Courts Lack Authority to Try Civilians
🟨 The General Court Martial is a subordinate court of law, with specialized jurisdiction. This means that the military courts are under the ordinary courts of law.
🟨 Sections of the UPDF Act that grant military courts jurisdiction over capital offences are unconstitutional.
🟨 Military courts in Uganda do not contain any or sufficient constitutional guarantees and safeguards for them to exercise their judicial functions with independence and impartiality, which is a prerequisite for fair hearing.
🟨 Sections of the UPDF Act that confer jurisdiction for military courts to try persons subject to military law for civil and/or non-disciplinary offences are unconstitutional.
🟨 All charges, or ongoing criminal trials, or pending trials, before the court martial involving civilians must immediately cease and be transferred to the ordinary courts of law.
🟨 The judgment shall have no retrospective effect on any conviction made and sentences imposed before today, save where the conviction or sentence is being challenged in a court of law..
Kampala, Uganda | THE INDEPENDENT | Uganda’s Supreme Court has put to rest the debate on whether civilians can be tried in military courts. In an almost unanimous decision, the seven judges of the Supreme Court with a little variance ruled that military courts are not vested with the competency to try civilians.
Chief Justice Alfonse Owinyi-Dollo held that Court Martial judges do not have any requirement to have legal training and equated it to sending a person to the theatre to operate a patient when that person doesn’t have the requisite qualifications of a doctor to do an operation.
Owiny-Dollo held that even though court martial judges don’t have any legal qualifications, they try everything and anything including treason yet their decisions can’t be appealed. The Chief Justice also held that in the Court Martial even junior officers and bodyguards can also sit on the panel to try persons accused of all manner of offences such as treason.
To illustrate his point, the Chief Justice stated that even he who is fairly educated cannot be picked and taken to Mulago Hospital to conduct a childbirth operation or be picked to be a brigade Commander. The Chief Justice also took pain to explain the difference between being a service member, a former service member and those retired and the chain of command; saying that there is a stark contrast between those and therefore, they can’t be treated in the same way.
Owiny-Dollo recommended that, “All charges, or ongoing criminal trials, or pending trials, before the courts martial involving civilians must immediately cease and be transferred to the ordinary courts of law with competent jurisdiction. This judgment shall have no retrospective effect on any conviction made,  and sentences imposed, prior to the date of this judgment; save where the conviction and sentence is being challenged in a Court of law.”
Owiny-Dollo also had an issue with how the members of the military court are chosen by the President on very short terms of one year which denies them the security of tenure that allows them to dispense justice without fear or favour.
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Hence the lack of security of tenure naturally denies them the ability to be independent from the appointing authority like judges in the judiciary. The Chief Justice therefore noted that the fact of appointing officers of court without giving them security of tenure is unconstitutional. On the other hand, Owiny-Dollo noted that the Court Martial cannot provide adequate facilities for the preparation of defence by those appearing before them.
He noted that being able to prepare for a defence is part of a fair hearing and any court that can’t guarantee that, can claim to be a court. On the other hand, because the decisions of the Court Martial can’t be appealed outside the court-martial, Owiny-Dollo held that this makes them unlawful because any law that doesn’t give people a right to appeal is unconstitutional and as such can’t stand.
He further ruled that even the soldiers tried by the Court Martial their rights shouldn’t be violated by being tried by tribunals that lack the competency especially if the cases tried attract either a death sentence or a life imprisonment.
He blamed Parliament for the overzealous by creating laws that seem to attract conflicts among institutions of government. Consequently, he declared Sections of the UPDF Act that give military courts powers to try civilians are unconstitutional and therefore null and void. He directed that all the hearings in the Court Martial are unconstitutional and therefore should cease henceforth.
Before Owiny-Dollo read his ruling, four other Justices had already found that military courts not only lack the independence required of courts but are also not part of the courts of judicature.
Monica Mugenyi, Catherine Bamugemereire, Elizabeth Musoke and Percy Night Tuhaise, all held that the military courts are not independent courts of judicature that can fairly dispense justice. Like Owiny-Dollo, the four pointed out that the way the judges of the military courts are appointed, their lack of legal background and the security of their tenure is inadequate to guarantee independence.
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In 2016, then Nakawa Division Member of Parliament Michael Kabaziguruka was arrested and charged in the General Court Martial for crimes related to illegal possession of firearms and conspiring against the security of the defence forces.
He challenged his trial in the General court martial in the Constitutional Court arguing that as a civilian, it was illegal to charge him in a military court. The court issued its decision in July 2021.
In their ruling which was decided by three justices to two, the court held that there were many impediments to the court martial making fair and independent judgements. Justices Kenneth Kakuru [RIP], Remmy Kasule [retired] and Hellen Obura held that the military courts not only lack the independence that is required of any court but also assumed powers that the constitution gave to the judicial branch of government.
Kakuru who wrote the lead judgement observed that the aim of the UPDF Act was meant for those in active military service and should never have been expanded to include civilians.
“The UPDF Act in my view was never intended to be an Act of general application. It is a statute of special and limited application. Article 210 of the Constitution from which Parliament derived the power to enact the impugned law, is itself very restrictive. That power only relates to UPDF and UPDF alone. It does not extend to regulation or adjudication of crime set out under other legislation. Those functions are provided for in other Articles of the Constitution that establish the Judiciary, the Police and Prisons Service and the Directorate of Public Prosecutions among others… Section 197 of the UPDF Act clearly states that “there shall be a Court Martial for the defence forces,” Kakuru’s judgement reads in part.
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It is this judgement that the Attorney General who was sued in his capacity as the representative of government appealed in the Supreme Court arguing that the judges of the Constitutional Court have erred in law and fact in holding as they did that military courts are not clothed with powers to try civilians.
Today’s judgement is going to come as a relief to Dr Kizza Besigye, Obeid Lutale and other National Unity Platform supporters who are being tried in the military courts
Supreme Court Rules: Military Courts Lack Authority to Try Civilians
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A Over Shs 24 billion Highway to Fraud » The Hoima Post –

ROMISE: A modern, tarmacked road linking Mukono to Katosi in central Uganda, improving access and accelerating development.
REALITY: A maze of fake companies, forged documents, and missing billions.
AMOUNT LOST: Over Shs 24 billion
IMPLICATED: Abubaker Technical Services (a ghost contractor), Dan Alinange (then UNRA spokesperson), senior officials in the Ministry of Works and Transport
The Dream: Infrastructure That Connects, Develops, and Delivers
The Katosi-Mukono-Nyenga Road was touted as one of Uganda’s critical infrastructure projects—a 74-kilometre lifeline that would link rural communities along Lake Victoria to urban centers and markets. Once constructed, it would ease transport bottlenecks, improve agricultural trade, and shorten travel time between Mukono and Buikwe districts.
In 2013, the government of Uganda—through the Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA)—announced a Shs 165 billion contract for the road’s construction. The contractor? A little-known firm named Eutaw Construction Company, allegedly from the United States, working in partnership with Abubaker Technical Services and General Supplies, a local firm.
But from the outset, red flags waved in broad daylight.
The Reality: A Highway to Nowhere
The first sign of trouble came when Eutaw Construction Company, the “lead contractor,” was discovered to not exist in any official registry of the United States. UNRA had claimed that Eutaw was selected after a competitive procurement process, beating out several established firms. But investigations later revealed that Eutaw was a phantom company, used as a front by Ugandan operatives to siphon off public funds.
Even more baffling was that Abubaker Technical Services, the local subcontractor, had no previous road construction credentials of the magnitude needed for a project of this scale—and was, in fact, not officially registered at the time of contract award.
Despite these glaring anomalies, Shs 24 billion was immediately advanced to the so-called contractors—ostensibly as mobilization fees. Within weeks, the money was gone, and the road remained untouched.
The Role of UNRA: Complicity or Incompetence?
The scandal implicates several senior figures at UNRA. At the center was Dan Alinange, the UNRA spokesperson at the time, who consistently defended the integrity of the project in public briefings. Alinange and other officials maintained that due diligence had been done and that Eutaw was “fully verified.”
But a 2015 probe by the Inspectorate of Government (IGG) found otherwise. The report revealed that UNRA deliberately ignored multiple warnings from internal auditors and whistleblowers who questioned the legitimacy of Eutaw and Abubaker Technical Services.
The report also showed that certain individuals within UNRA approved advance payments in record time—without verifying the contractor’s physical address, financial records, or previous work experience.
A Timeline of Fraud
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2013: Eutaw Construction Company awarded contract to build the 74km Mukono-Katosi-Nyenga Road.
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Early 2014: Shs 24 billion paid upfront to Eutaw (later traced to Abubaker accounts).
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Mid 2014: Site inspection reveals slow progress and lack of heavy machinery.
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Late 2014: IGG launches investigation after whistleblower tips off Parliament.
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2015: Government admits Eutaw does not exist and cancels the contract.
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2016–2017: Project re-awarded to China Railway Group Limited; works begin afresh.
The Fallout: Who Paid the Price?
Despite the scandal’s magnitude, accountability was selective and minimal. A few low-level officials were suspended, and the contract was terminated—but no high-ranking official, including Dan Alinange, faced prosecution.
Instead, the government quietly re-awarded the project to China Railway Group Limited, which eventually completed the road in 2019. The loss of Shs 24 billion was absorbed by taxpayers. No funds were recovered from Eutaw or Abubaker.
The scandal revealed deep institutional weaknesses in procurement, internal audit bypasses, and executive protection of those involved. While the road was eventually completed, it came at double the original cost and after significant delays.
Public Outrage and Institutional Shame
The Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU) and other civil society organizations labeled the Katosi scandal as “a monument to impunity.” The matter was also discussed in Parliament, with MPs demanding a full audit of UNRA’s operations. However, the debate fizzled out without tangible results.
The Katosi project also triggered a broader investigation into UNRA’s procurement record, revealing over 20 ghost contractors, inflated contracts, and billions of shillings lost between 2009 and 2015.
A Pattern of Plunder
The Katosi Road scandal is not just an isolated case—it is part of a broader, systemic pattern where infrastructure projects in Uganda become vehicles for corruption. Whether it’s ghost schools, fake health centers, or vanished road contractors, public investment often ends up in private bank accounts.
In a nation where roads are lifelines, the theft of road funds is not just financial corruption—it is a theft of opportunity, a theft of development, and in many cases, a theft of life as citizens die from lack of access to emergency services due to poor road networks.
The People’s Verdict
Today, commuters drive along the completed Mukono-Katosi road unaware that it sits atop a scandal that robbed Ugandans of more than money. It robbed them of trust. It sent a clear message: in Uganda, promises are made for plunder, not progress.
Quote of the Scandal:
“We thought we were building a highway to prosperity. Instead, we built a tunnel for thieves.” — Local council leader in Mukono District
Editor’s Note:
This exposé is part of our “Roads to Ruin” series, tracking Uganda’s most scandalous infrastructure failures. If you have tips or evidence related to this story, contact our investigative desk
https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandas-stolen-billions-the-katosi-road-project-scandal-a-over-shs-24-billion-highway-to-fraud/
https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandas-stolen-billions-the-katosi-road-project-scandal-a-over-shs-24-billion-highway-to-fraud/ , hoimapost.co.ug
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