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According to Minister Godfrey Kabbyanga Baluku, in a profession where press conferences and covering opposition activities can escalate into full-contact sports, a well-timed roundhouse kick might just be as useful as a well-placed question.

Kampala – If you thought being a journalist in Uganda was about chasing stories, think again. According to State Minister for ICT and National Guidance, Godfrey Kabbyanga Baluku, it might soon involve dodging tear gas canisters, side-stepping baton swings, and possibly perfecting the art of the flying kick.

 

In response to a directive by Commander of Defense Forces Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who ordered that journalists undergo mandatory training at the National Leadership Institute (NALI) in Kyankwanzi, Minister Kabbyanga defended the proposal, saying journalists need to be prepared for the occupational hazards of their profession.

 

You know, the usual risks—like being shoved into police trucks, catching stray rubber bullets, or being generously introduced to a baton’s full force during riot coverage.

 

But for those who find Kyankwanzi’s ideological drills too intense (or suspiciously political), the minister suggested an alternative: Taekwondo.

 

“Enroll for Taekwondo to defend yourself in times of need,” he advised, implying that reporters might soon be expected to spar with riot police instead of merely documenting them.

 

“Your work is associated with many risks; you never know at what point those skills shall save you,” he added, as if the next political rally might require journalists to parry baton swings while live-tweeting.

 

The proposal has sparked debate, with some wondering whether the government is more interested in protecting journalists or just conditioning them to accept that being attacked while working is normal.

 

Security expert Solomon Asiimwe outright rejected the idea, warning that combat-trained journalists might be mistaken for rebels, making an already dangerous job even riskier.

 

“Imagine a journalist caught in a riot, fists clenched, in a perfect fighting stance—what do you think the police will assume?” he questioned.

 

However, journalism scholar Dr. Gerald Walulya saw some merit in the idea, noting that journalists do face real risks.

 

“But maybe instead of teaching them self-defense, the government should focus on making sure they’re not being attacked in the first place?” he suggested, probably unaware that logic isn’t always welcome in policy discussions.

 

Gerald Walulya, a journalism scholar, supported the notion of journalists acquiring self-defense skills.

 

While he did not explicitly endorse Kyankwanzi, he acknowledged that journalists face significant risks in their line of work and should be equipped to protect themselves.

 

Critics argue that the state’s sudden concern for journalists’ safety is ironic, considering that most of the threats they face conveniently come from the very forces meant to protect them.

 

If this trend continues, Uganda’s next generation of journalists may need to swap out their press cards for body armor, learn how to dodge tear gas like seasoned street fighters, and possibly, add “combat training” to their resumes—just in case their investigative reporting requires a well-timed roundhouse kick.

https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandan-minister-proposes-taekwondo-training-for-journalists-ahead-of-the-2026-elections/
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https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandan-minister-proposes-taekwondo-training-for-journalists-ahead-of-the-2026-elections/ , https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandan-minister-proposes-taekwondo-training-for-journalists-ahead-of-the-2026-elections/ ,
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A Over Shs 24 billion Highway to Fraud » The Hoima Post –

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ROMISE: A modern, tarmacked road linking Mukono to Katosi in central Uganda, improving access and accelerating development.
REALITY: A maze of fake companies, forged documents, and missing billions.

AMOUNT LOST: Over Shs 24 billion
IMPLICATED: Abubaker Technical Services (a ghost contractor), Dan Alinange (then UNRA spokesperson), senior officials in the Ministry of Works and Transport


The Dream: Infrastructure That Connects, Develops, and Delivers

The Katosi-Mukono-Nyenga Road was touted as one of Uganda’s critical infrastructure projects—a 74-kilometre lifeline that would link rural communities along Lake Victoria to urban centers and markets. Once constructed, it would ease transport bottlenecks, improve agricultural trade, and shorten travel time between Mukono and Buikwe districts.

In 2013, the government of Uganda—through the Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA)—announced a Shs 165 billion contract for the road’s construction. The contractor? A little-known firm named Eutaw Construction Company, allegedly from the United States, working in partnership with Abubaker Technical Services and General Supplies, a local firm.

But from the outset, red flags waved in broad daylight.


The Reality: A Highway to Nowhere

The first sign of trouble came when Eutaw Construction Company, the “lead contractor,” was discovered to not exist in any official registry of the United States. UNRA had claimed that Eutaw was selected after a competitive procurement process, beating out several established firms. But investigations later revealed that Eutaw was a phantom company, used as a front by Ugandan operatives to siphon off public funds.

Even more baffling was that Abubaker Technical Services, the local subcontractor, had no previous road construction credentials of the magnitude needed for a project of this scale—and was, in fact, not officially registered at the time of contract award.

Despite these glaring anomalies, Shs 24 billion was immediately advanced to the so-called contractors—ostensibly as mobilization fees. Within weeks, the money was gone, and the road remained untouched.


The Role of UNRA: Complicity or Incompetence?

The scandal implicates several senior figures at UNRA. At the center was Dan Alinange, the UNRA spokesperson at the time, who consistently defended the integrity of the project in public briefings. Alinange and other officials maintained that due diligence had been done and that Eutaw was “fully verified.”

But a 2015 probe by the Inspectorate of Government (IGG) found otherwise. The report revealed that UNRA deliberately ignored multiple warnings from internal auditors and whistleblowers who questioned the legitimacy of Eutaw and Abubaker Technical Services.

The report also showed that certain individuals within UNRA approved advance payments in record time—without verifying the contractor’s physical address, financial records, or previous work experience.


A Timeline of Fraud

  • 2013: Eutaw Construction Company awarded contract to build the 74km Mukono-Katosi-Nyenga Road.

  • Early 2014: Shs 24 billion paid upfront to Eutaw (later traced to Abubaker accounts).

  • Mid 2014: Site inspection reveals slow progress and lack of heavy machinery.

  • Late 2014: IGG launches investigation after whistleblower tips off Parliament.

  • 2015: Government admits Eutaw does not exist and cancels the contract.

  • 2016–2017: Project re-awarded to China Railway Group Limited; works begin afresh.


The Fallout: Who Paid the Price?

Despite the scandal’s magnitude, accountability was selective and minimal. A few low-level officials were suspended, and the contract was terminated—but no high-ranking official, including Dan Alinange, faced prosecution.

Instead, the government quietly re-awarded the project to China Railway Group Limited, which eventually completed the road in 2019. The loss of Shs 24 billion was absorbed by taxpayers. No funds were recovered from Eutaw or Abubaker.

The scandal revealed deep institutional weaknesses in procurement, internal audit bypasses, and executive protection of those involved. While the road was eventually completed, it came at double the original cost and after significant delays.


Public Outrage and Institutional Shame

The Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU) and other civil society organizations labeled the Katosi scandal as “a monument to impunity.” The matter was also discussed in Parliament, with MPs demanding a full audit of UNRA’s operations. However, the debate fizzled out without tangible results.

The Katosi project also triggered a broader investigation into UNRA’s procurement record, revealing over 20 ghost contractors, inflated contracts, and billions of shillings lost between 2009 and 2015.


A Pattern of Plunder

The Katosi Road scandal is not just an isolated case—it is part of a broader, systemic pattern where infrastructure projects in Uganda become vehicles for corruption. Whether it’s ghost schools, fake health centers, or vanished road contractors, public investment often ends up in private bank accounts.

In a nation where roads are lifelines, the theft of road funds is not just financial corruption—it is a theft of opportunity, a theft of development, and in many cases, a theft of life as citizens die from lack of access to emergency services due to poor road networks.


The People’s Verdict

Today, commuters drive along the completed Mukono-Katosi road unaware that it sits atop a scandal that robbed Ugandans of more than money. It robbed them of trust. It sent a clear message: in Uganda, promises are made for plunder, not progress.


Quote of the Scandal:

“We thought we were building a highway to prosperity. Instead, we built a tunnel for thieves.” — Local council leader in Mukono District


Editor’s Note:
This exposé is part of our “Roads to Ruin” series, tracking Uganda’s most scandalous infrastructure failures. If you have tips or evidence related to this story, contact our investigative desk

https://hoimapost.co.ug/ugandas-stolen-billions-the-katosi-road-project-scandal-a-over-shs-24-billion-highway-to-fraud/
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