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By Alexander Luyima / The Hoima Post
For weeks, the political temperature in Uganda has simmered around one question: Will Speaker of Parliament Anita Among be taken to court? The answer, according to legal and political observers, may have less to do with the evidence against her and everything to do with what the state needs right now.
The Case Against the Speaker
The formal machinery began turning on May 13. A group of six lawyers and activists, Andrew Karamaji, Massey Mondo, Katoto Musime, Gift Grace Achila, Praise Alokam, and Godwin Tocco, filed a detailed petition with the Inspectorate of Government (IGG). Their accusation is straightforward: that Among failed to declare her wealth as mandated by Uganda’s Leadership Code Act.
The IGG has confirmed receipt of the petition and confirmed it is “being processed.”
Simultaneously, the state’s physical pursuit has been unmistakable. Two of Among’s staff members were taken to Makindye Military Barracks. Security operatives raided three of her residences in Nakasero, Kigo, and Tinda. Then, on the morning of May 19, her parliamentary office was cordoned off and sealed as investigations continued.
The Legal Ladder: From Investigation to Courtroom
For a senior political figure to stand in the dock, a clear legal chain must be followed.
“Police gather evidence and hand it to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) or the IGG,” explains Dr. Patricia Nambooze, a Kampala based constitutional lawyer. “If the evidence meets the threshold, the Speaker is summoned, and charges are read in open court. If it is insufficient, the case is closed or sent back for further inquiry.”
But even if charges are filed, recent history offers a sobering preview.
A Troubling Precedent: The Iron Sheets Scandal
The infamous Iron Sheets scandal, where senior officials diverted relief materials meant for vulnerable communities, provides the most recent template.
· Agnes Nandutu was convicted and sentenced to four years.· Mary Goretti Kitutu faces two counts but has yet to see a conviction.· Amos Lugolobi endured two years of prosecution. Then, in November 2025, his charges were dropped entirely.
Two years, then nothing.
“That pattern sends a very clear signal,” says Michael Wanzala, a political risk analyst. “Prosecution can be used as a performance, a show of accountability, without a final act of conviction. For a sitting Speaker, the political calculation is even more delicate.”
The Museveni Playbook: Loyalty, Then Exile
Legal experts note that Among is far from the first high ranking official to find herself in the crosshairs of the appointing authority. The history of President Museveni’s inner circle reveals a well worn path: service, perceived threat, and sudden removal.
Kale Kayihura served as Inspector General of Police for 13 years, once Museveni’s most loyal security enforcer. On March 4, 2018, Kayihura learned he was fired not in a private meeting, but via a tweet announcing Ochola as the new IGP. Three months later, the army arrested him. He spent 76 days in military custody before being released on bail.
Amama Mbabazi, once Prime Minister, was stripped of his security detail the moment he appeared to harbour presidential ambitions. He secured just 1.4 percent of the vote in the 2016 election.
Samson Kisekka, Vice President from 1991 to 1994, was sent on a trip abroad by the President. When he landed back at Entebbe, no official delegation came to receive him. That was his notice.
“The pattern is always the same,” notes Ruth Achieng, a veteran legal affairs journalist. “You serve a purpose. Then, when that purpose expires, or worse, you begin to look like an independent power centre, you are removed. The method changes: a tweet, a raid, a quiet disappearance of your security. But the message is identical.”
Conclusion: Evidence or Expediency?
So will Anita Among be taken to court? Legally, the path is clear: the IGG and DPP must build a case strong enough to survive the scrutiny of trial. But politically, the past suggests a different calculation.
“In Uganda’s recent history, guilt is often determined less by the evidence,” concludes Wanzala, “and more by what the state requires from this moment. If the Speaker is still needed, the case will stall. If she is not, the courtroom awaits.”
For now, Among’s homes are raided, her office is sealed, and her staff are in military barracks. But as the ghosts of Kayihura, Mbabazi, and Lugolobi remind us, being targeted is not the same as being convicted. In the theatre of Ugandan power, the final verdict is rarely written by the judiciary alone. What Ugandans expect is a clean break. Whether they get it is the only question that matters.
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